May 21, 2024
COLUMBUS, Ohio (AP) — An effort by a Republican faction in Ohio to make it harder to change the politically fractured Ohio House where the undertaking has so far stalled. Wednesday is the last day to get the job done if lawmakers mean to put a related ballot measure before voters on Aug. 8, according […]

COLUMBUS, Ohio (AP) — An effort by a Republican faction in Ohio to make it harder to change the politically fractured Ohio House where the undertaking has so far stalled.
Wednesday is the last day to get the job done if lawmakers mean to put a related ballot measure before voters on Aug. 8, according to the timeline determined by Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose, the state’s elections chief. However, scenarios could emerge among the plan’s anxious GOP backers to blow past the cutoff without the plan’s proponents relenting.
The conflict comes amid similar Republican efforts to restrict direct democracy in Missouri, North Dakota and Mississippi, according to Fairness Project, a Washington-based group that pushes ballot measures across the U.S.
In Ohio, a escalate.
Potentially at stake are the vaccine mandates. All are subjects of burgeoning constitutional amendment campaigns.
All eyes are on the House, which has yet to vote on a proposal to require 60% of the Ohio electorate to pass all future constitutional changes. Passage of the proposal, ironically, would require merely the same 50%-plus-one simple majority that has been in place since 1912.
Abortion is legal in Ohio up to 20 weeks’ gestation because a working to put forward a ballot measure in November that would permanently enshrine a right to abortion in the state constitution.
Certain GOP lawmakers are working to set a special election in August where voters could choose to curtail their own rights to bypass lawmakers on that and other subjects. Its backers argue publicly that the supermajority requirement will prevent deep-pocketed interest groups from targeting Ohio’s founding document, but documents and other evidence have made clear that the push is aimed at tanking the abortion measure. AP VoteCast, an expansive survey of over 90,000 midterm election voters across the country, found 59% of Ohio voters say abortion should generally be legal.
So excruciating, convoluted and time-consuming has been an election bill he just signed in January — if lawmakers would just get it to his desk.
“This just needs to move forward and be over with,” he recently told reporters, “so we can be more focused on the state.”
Every day seems to bring another round of gamesmanship so complex that even those well versed in legislative rules are challenged to keep up. Can a chair really participate in an effort to defy his own committee? (Answer: The chair got the boot.) How many House votes are actually needed to send the 60% question to voters, given one lawmaker has died since the last election and another left for a new job? (Answer: Depends who you ask.)
The latest example was a proposal to cut $20 million in funding for local election boards from legislation setting the August special election. For arcane procedural reasons, stripping the funding would have simplified the bill’s trip to the House floor — though it also might have left already stressed local election offices without money to pay for the extra election. After days of behind-the-scenes wrangling, two committee hearings were canceled and the bill went nowhere.
Without the money, the legislation technically may not be needed. Both the House and Senate resolutions advancing the 60% question to the ballot have the Aug. 8 election embedded in their wording. Such lawmaker-initiated ballot issues bypass the governor and go straight to the ballot.
Some of the state’s most powerful anti-abortion and pro-gun rights groups — including Ohio Right to Life and the Buckeye Firearms Association — have tried to push the two measures through by linking the complicated web of related votes to their election-season scorecards. That means voting “no” on either measure threatens a Republican lawmaker’s important “pro-life” and “pro-gun” voting records. Gun groups are involved because they fear a future constitutional amendment on gun control.
Besides that effort, the newly formed Save Our Constitution PAC is running attack ads against Republican House Speaker Jason Stephens and allied GOP lawmakers who have balked at one or both elements of the plan. The political action committee received $1.1 million from billionaire Richard Uihlein, a GOP megadonor from Illinois, an heir to the Schlitz Brewing Co. fortune and the PAC’s only donor so far, The Columbus Dispatch argument among its proponents has been to keep “out-of-state special interests” from accessing Ohio’s founding document.
The campaign against raising the constitutional amendment threshold has grown to include every living former state attorneys general and the Ohio Libertarian Party. A large bipartisan coalition of grassroots voting rights, labor, police, faith, civil rights and community organizations staged a protest last week, featuring hundreds of protesters marching around the Statehouse. They plan to return Wednesday.
LaRose, the highest-profile supporter of the supermajority threshold and a potential 2024 U.S. Senate candidate, says Wednesday is the deadline for legislative action. That’s once state legal and constitutional requirements are applied to the envisioned August 8 election date, his spokesperson said.
Even Republican Senate President Matt Huffman, who also supports raising the threshold and spearheaded the August election idea, said last week that he cannot predict the House. “I really don’t know what’s going to happen,” he told reporters.